वैश्वीकरण और जन-आन्दोलनों की नयी राजनीति

जब लोकतंत्र पर वैश्विक-विमर्श का स्वरूप एक-आयामी हो गया है (जिसमें बाजारवादी लोकतंत्र को एक मॉडल मानने का भाव है), और जब भारतीय राज्य आर्थिक और राजनीतिक वैश्विक शक्तियों से जुड़ गया है, तो इसे प्रतिसन्तुलित करने के लिये ज़मीनी स्तर पर राजनीतिक-सामाजिक आन्दोलनों का अभ्युदय हुआ है जो राज्य की भूमण्डलीकरण संबन्धी नीतियों का विरोध कर रहे हैं. वैसे तो पिछले तीन दशकों से सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं के छोटे समूहों द्वारा संचालित आन्दोलन भारत के विभिन्न हिस्सों में आर्थिक-सामाजिक वर्जनाओं के कारण हाशिये पर फेंके गये गरीब जनसमूहों से जुड़े मुद्दों पर संघर्षरत रहे हैं पर 1990 के दशक में वैश्विक, राजनीतिक, आर्थिक शक्ति संगठनों – संस्थाओं की प्रभुत्ववादी नीतियों के खिलाफ आवाज़ उठाते हुए दुनियाबी गठबंधनों और मंचों के साथ ये आंदोलन रूबरू हुए हैं. इस भूमण्डलीकरण के विरोध की प्रक्रिया में इन लघु-आन्दोलनों ने लोकतन्त्र के नये विमर्श और राजनीतिक नवाचार विकसित कर राजनीति को राजनीतिक दल तथा चुनावी प्रतिनिधि संस्थाओं के घेरे से आगे विस्तार प्रदान किया है.

Networking

आन्दोलन और भूमण्डलीकरण : भारत में इन लघु आन्दोलनों को कई नामों से संबोधित किया गया है- जैसे ‘ग्राम रूट मूवमेन्ट’ या फिर सामाजिक आन्दोलन, गैर-दलीय राजनीतिक सभाएं, सोशल-एक्शन ग्रुप या फिर मूवमेण्ट ग्रुप्स (आंदोलन-समूह) आदि परन्तु इस लेख में मैं इन्हें समानार्थी के रूप में प्रयोग करूंगा, पर मुख्य रूप से उस सामाजिक आन्दोलन पर केन्द्रित करूंगा जो 1970 के दशक में दृष्यमान हुए और राजनीतिक लहर की तरह विभिन्न मुद्दों को उठाते हुये विकास के जनतांत्रिकीकरण और सामाजिक परिवर्तन के उद्देश्यों को लेकर चले. हालांकि इन आन्दोलन समूहों ने गांधीवादी, साम्यवादी, समाजवादी और सामाजिक सुधार के आंदोलनों से प्रेरणा ली थी, परन्तु वे राजनीतिक दलों से अलग थे. पर स्वतंत्रता के तीन दशक के बाद इनको भी कुछ राजनीतिक महत्व मिलने लगा. 1960 के उत्तरार्ध में जब संस्थात्मक राजनीति अपने पतन पर अग्रसर थी तभी इन समूहों ने मूल्यवृद्धि से लेकर भ्रष्टाचार के खिलाफ उठने वाले प्रतिरोध के स्वरों को आन्दोलनों में परिवर्तित किया. जयप्रकाश नारायण यानि जेपी आन्दोलन से प्रखर होते इन समूहों ने आपातकाल तक आते जाते ऐसे मुद्दे उठाए जिन्हें राजनीतिक दलों और यूनियनों ने झटक दिया था और नौकरशाही ने दुत्कार दिया था. इनका संगठनात्मक स्वरूप दल या दबाव-समूह का न होकर ‘नागरिक-परिषद समूह’ जैसा था जिसका लक्ष्य जन-सशक्तीकरण द्वारा विकास का लोकतन्त्रीकरण करना था.

भूमण्डलीकरण का विमर्श : 1990 के शुरुआती दौर में भारतीय जन-आंदोलनों को उत्तर शीतयुद्ध वैश्विक व्यवस्था में नव वर्चस्व की शर्तों का सामना करना पड़ा. शीतयुद्ध के अन्त तक भारत में ज़मीनी जनांदोलन बहिर्वेशन-मूलक एवम् अभिजन केन्द्रित विकास मॉडल का विरोध कर रहे थे, परन्तु वे अधिकतर पश्चिमी आंदोलनों के परिदृष्य से निकले थे जहां नाभिकीय एवम् पर्यावरणीय खतरों को ज्यादा तरजीह दी जा रही थी. इस परिप्रेक्ष्य में वहां एक ‘वैकल्पिक विकास मॉडल’ की बात की जा रही थी. भारत में लम्बे अर्से से गांधीवादी इस अवधारणा को प्रचलित व व्यवहह्त करते रहे पर स्वतन्त्रता के बाद भारतीय शासक वर्ग द्वार इसकी अवहेलना होती रही थी.

विकास सम्बन्धी विमर्श ने एक नया मोड़ लिया और ‘वैकल्पिक विकास’ की अवधारणा विश्व स्तर पर विभिन्न कार्यकर्ता-समूहों, मंचों, संगठनों-समितियों में प्रचलित हो गई. नये सामाजिक आन्दोलनों ने स्माल इज ब्यूटिफुल (शूमाकर), उत्पीड़ितों का शिक्षाशास्त्र (पाओलो फ्रेरे), पर्यावरण- संगत जीवन पद्धति, विकास की सीमा (दि-क्लब ऑफ रोम) आदि उक्तियों को जन्म दिया. पश्चिम के नये सामाजिक आंदोलनों की छाप भारत के सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं पर देखी गयी. इससे उनकी कार्यप्रणाली को सांस्कृतिक पहचान मिलीं तथा उस गांधी को समझने का अवसर मिला जो स्वयं एक वैकल्पिक विकास मॉडल की बात कर रहा था.

शीतयुद्ध के दौरान पश्चिमी समाजों पर नाभिकीय खतरा मंडरा रहा था तो दूसरी ओर अनियंत्रित दोहन के चलते तेल भंडार तथा अन्य संसाधनों की तंगी ने इन समाजों को भी वैकल्पिक विकास मॉडल की ओर आकृष्ट किया. ‘तीसरी दुनिया की गरीबी’ और इन गरीब पिछड़ें देशों में उभरते मध्यम वर्ग की उपभोक्तावादी प्रवृत्ति में होने वाली निरन्तर वृद्धि भी उनकी चिंता का कारण बनी. डर का कारण था कि इन देशों की शासकीय नीतियों की वजह से दुनिया के प्राकृतिक संसाधन जल्द खत्म हो जायेंगे. उपभोक्तावाद विकास के लिए एक चुनौती बन गया तथा ऊर्जा के वैकल्पिक स्रोतों को खोजना विकास नीति का एक अहम हिस्सा. पर शीतयुद्ध खत्म होते ही ‘भूमण्डलीकरण के विमर्श ने वैकल्पिक – विकास के विमर्श को पीछे ढकेल दिया.’

जहां शीत युद्ध ने एक विभाजित दुनिया की नींव रखी, वहीं भूमण्डलीकरण ने एक अर्थव्यवस्था, एक संस्कृति और एक राजनीतिक व्यवस्था की वकालत करना शुरू किया. ऐसी दुनिया प्रतिनिधि लोकतन्त्र की अस्त व्यस्त संस्थाओं के बजाय वैश्विक संस्थाओं के द्वारा नयी विश्व व्यवस्था के रूप में संचालित होने लगी जिसके सूत्र दुनिया के चुनिंदा ‘स्व-उत्तरदायी’ एवं ‘विकसित’ जनतंत्रों के हाथों में थे. इस व्यवस्था ने पूरी दुनिया की शांति एवं व्यवस्था का बीड़ा उठा लिया. ऐसे में वैयक्तिक तौर पर खासकर ‘गैर जिम्मेदार’ राष्ट्र-राज्यों से हिंसा का एकाधिकार छीनकर उसे सामूहिक व्यवस्था में चुनिंदा सूत्रधार देशों को एक जिम्मे के तह सौंपा गया, अब यह बात अलग है कि ये सारे ‘गैर जिम्मेदार’ दक्षिण में और ‘स्व-उत्तरदायी’ लोकतन्त्र के सूत्रधार उत्तर में हैं. इस भूमण्डलीकरण के सूत्रधार बने दुनिया के सबसे शक्तिशाली (जी-8) देशों की जिम्मेदारी यहां खत्म नहीं होती क्योंकि गरीबी एवं अंतरराष्ट्रीय युद्धों का हदपार करना भी उनके कार्यक्षेत्र का हिस्सा है. इन विचारधारात्मक दावों का असर भारतीय मीडिया और मध्यम वर्ग के बड़े हिस्से पर यूं है मानो ये नीति संविदा वाकई किसी वास्तविक और जनतांत्रिक रूप से वैध विश्व सरकार द्वारा जारी की गयी है.

आंदोलनों का प्रतिवाद : दूसरी तरफ उत्तर शीतयुद्ध समय में आपातकाल के दो दशक बाद आंदोलकों के समूह अपनी छोटी-छोटी लड़ाइयों को अलग-अलग आगे बढ़ाते हुए लगभग एक जैसे  ही स्वरूप में अस्तित्व रखने वाले टुकड़ों में बिखरकर रह गए थे. उनमें से कुछ तो एक स्थिर और सुविधाजनक आर्थिक बुनियाद तैयार होने के बाद सामाजिक परिवर्तन का अपना जज्बा भी खो चुके थे. इसमें से आर्थिक मदद/निधि का बड़ा हिस्सा उनकी अंतरराष्ट्रीय दल एजेन्सियों से आता था जिनका अपना एजेंडा हाशिए के देशों में विमर्श की राजनीति को प्रभावित करता था. अधिकतर आंदोलन इस तरह गैर सरकारी संगठन (एन. जी. ओ.) में तब्दील हो चुके थे और वे अमूमन निराशा के बादलों से घिरे रहते थे. ऐसे में यह स्वभाविक ही था कि सामाजिक आंदोलनों को ऐसी परिस्थितियों में भूमण्डलीयकरण की विचारधारात्मक चुनौतियों के हमले से उभरने और उसका तोड़ निकालने में खासा समय लगा. अभी भी ऐसे समूह उम्मीद जगाए थे जो ज़मीनी तौर पर सामाजिक, आर्थिक पुनर्रचना में लोगों के हकों की लड़ाई की जद्दोजहद में अपनी-अपनी गांधीवादी, वामपंथी सामाजिक जनवादी परम्परा से जुड़े रहे थे.

1990 के दशक के मध्य तक इस माहौल में बदलाव आने लगा. ऐसे में संघर्षरत इन आन्दोलन समूहों में ऊर्जा का संचार हुआ. संस्थानीकरण का शिकार हुए कुछ आन्दोलन समूह आन्दोलन की धारा में लौट आए और उन्होंने भूमण्डलीकरण से जुड़े बहुआयामी मुद्दों को उठाते हुए भूमण्डलीकरण के वर्चस्व का प्रतिवाद करता विमर्श एवं राजनीतिक विकल्प निर्माण करने का प्रयास किया. इन समूहों के विभिन्न मतांतरों को समझने का प्रयास करें-

  • ज़मीनी आन्दोलनों के कार्यकर्ता भूमण्डलीकरण को विकास की पुरानी संकल्पना का ही नया अवतार मानते हैं. उनका मानना है कि इन संकल्पनाओं की राजनीति, खुले रूप से वैश्विक वर्चस्ववादी ताकतों का प्रतिनिधित्व करने वाले विनाशकारी विकास के माध्यम से सामाजिक बहिष्कार के नये प्रारूप विकसित करती है. भूमण्डलीकरण तकनीकी, वैज्ञानिकी, नौकरशाही सैन्यदल, प्रबन्धन एवं उद्यम क्षेत्र के अभिजन वर्ग एवं उपभोक्ता को अपनी शक्ति संरचना में स्वाभाविक घटक मानता है. वर्ग एवं उपभोक्ता को अपनी शक्ति संरचना में स्वाभाविक घटक मानता है.
  • पूर्व में अराजनीतिक माने जाने वाले सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं को इस दौर में एहसास हुआ कि विमर्श की राजनीति राष्ट्रीय-अंतर्राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर नीति निर्देशकों पर असर (दबाव) डालती है. उन्होंने वैश्विक स्तर पर इन विमर्शों को प्रभावित करने के लिए परराष्ट्रीय गठबंधनों को अधिक प्रभावी, कारगर एवं टिकाऊ बनाने की कोशिश की है. अपनी विश्वस्तरीय भूमिका को पहचानते हुए कार्यकर्ताओं का एक समूह वैश्विक एकात्मकता को ‘वसुधैव कुटुम्बकम्’ जैसे भारतीय मूल्यों के साथ जोड़ते हुए गांधी की स्वदेश और स्वराज्य की परिकल्पना के साथ उसे पेश करता है. इस तरह के जनांदोलन वैश्वीकरण की राजनीति के दो पक्ष देखते हैं. बोवेन्चुरा डिसुझा सॉन्टोस के शब्दों में इन्हें ‘प्रभुत्ववाद के विरुद्ध प्रति-प्रभुत्ववादी वैश्वीकरण की अवधारणा’ के रूप में समझा जा सकता है.
  • अधिकतर वामपंथी और सामाजिक जनतंत्रवादी जनांदोलन मानते हैं कि वैश्वीकरण देश में पहले से व्याप्त आर्थिक एवं सामाजिक असमानताओं को मजबूती प्रदान करता है. ‘स्ट्रकचरल एडजेस्टमेन्ट’ कार्यक्रम के तहत वैश्वीकरण के दौर में आर्थिक सुधारों के नाम पर वैश्विक वित्त संस्थाओं द्वारा किये गये आर्थिक परिवर्तनों ने उपनिवेशकालीन उपभोक्तावादी मध्यम वर्ग का दायरा बढ़ाते हुए एक छोटे जनसमूह की क्रय शक्ति को बढ़ाया और दूसरी तरफ बड़े जनसमुदाय के जीवन स्तर में सुधार लाने के बजाय उन्हें सामाजिक आर्थिक गर्त में गरीबी रेखा से भी नीचे गिरा दिया. राज्य ने सामाजिक एवं आर्थिक रूप से पिछड़े वर्ग की ऊर्ध्वगामी गतिशीलता को बढ़ाने के लिए जो नीतियां अपनायी थीं उनका दायरा शैन:-शैन: बाजार के दबाव के चलते सिकुड़ता जा रहा है. जो थोड़े-बहुत रास्ते इस दिशा में अभी भी खुले हैं उन पर उच्च जाति, (समाज के शीर्ष स्तर) ने अपने पारस्परिक अधिग्रहीत संसाधनों के आधार पर एक एकाधिकार जमाया है. जनांदोलनों के पारम्परिक सामाजिक संरचना और वैश्वीकरण के इस रिश्ते को अनेक बार रेखांकित किया परन्तु आश्चर्यजनक तरीके से वैश्वीकरण की अकादमिक बहस में उसे नजरअंदाज किया गया.
  • कुछ जनआंदोलन भारतीय शासन के इस दावे को ठुकराते हैं कि वैश्वीकरण की प्रक्रिया में उनकी अर्थात् शासन की भूमिका गरीबों के प्रति संवेदनात्मक रूप से सकारात्मक रही है. आर्थिक सुधारों के ‘मानवीय चेहरे’ का नकाब उतारने का उनका प्रयास जारी है. नगरीय आंदोलनों के नेताओं का तो यह भी मानना है कि भारतीय शासन व्यवस्था खुलेआम आर्थिक सुधारों के क्रियान्वयन के साथ गरीबों के जीवन संसाधनों के हक को छीनते हुए अमीर और गरीब के बीच भेदभाव करती है. परिणामस्वरूप ‘विकास’ की बातें छोड़ दीजिए आज बाजार प्रेरित वैश्वीकरण के मॉडल से लाचार होकर मुख्यधारा की राजनीतिक व्यवस्था में वृहद जनसमूह अपने अस्तित्व की मांग को रखने की आवाज़ भी खो चुका है. बाज़ार राजनीति की परिधि से केन्द्र में दाखिल हो चुका है. जनतांत्रिक तरीकों से प्रस्थापित सत्ता, कार्पोरेट संगठनों के सिद्धान्तों से प्रेरित ऐसी नयी आर्थिक राजनीतिक ‘व्यवस्था’ के लिए जगह बना रही है जिसका प्रकृतिधर्म ही प्रतिनिधिक जवाबदेही जैसे जनतांत्रिक सिद्धान्तों के साथ मेल नहीं खाता.
  • पारम्परिक समाज व्यवस्था टूटने के साथ गरीबों को नाममात्र ही सही पर सामाजिक सुरक्षा प्रदान करने वाले ढांचे टूट चुके हैं. नयी बाज़ार व्यवस्था का एन्ट्री कार्ड भी उनके पास नहीं है. अपने सामाजिक दायित्वों से पीछे हटती राज्यव्यवस्था और विश्व को पदाक्रांत करती संगठित वैश्विक अर्थव्यवस्था ने गरीब से गरीब को न मजदूर बनने लायक छोड़ा और न ही अपने नागरिकत्व के अधिकार से रूबरू हो सका. ऐसे पद-दलितों को मुख्य धारा की अर्थव्यवस्था का हिस्सा बनाने की दिशा में खड़े संरचनात्मक अवरोधों को दूर करने की शासन नीतियों को ‘बाजार अवरोधी’ घोषित कर दिया गया है. कुल मिलाकर जनांदोलन की नज़र में, वैश्वीकरण की विचारधारा ने दुनिया की अर्थव्यवस्था को हाशिए पर खड़े देशों में व्याप्त गरीबी और सामाजिक वंचनाओं के मुद्दे को वैश्विक विमर्श में बेबुनियाद करार देते हुए खारिज कर दिया है. परिणामस्वरूप, शीतयुद्धकाल के विपरीत, आज देश अपनी अर्थव्यवस्था को किस हद तक विश्व आर्थिक (पूंजी) व्यवस्था के साथ ‘एकात्म’ (‘पराधीन’) बना सकता है – इसे ‘विकास’ का पैमाना माना जाता है.

प्रतिरोध का वैश्विक विमर्श : भारतीय जनांदोलनों का मानना है कि वैश्वीकरण के वैश्विक विमर्श में ‘शासन’ का मुद्दा इतना केन्द्रित हो गया कि सामाजिक राजनीतिक परिवर्तन के मुद्दे गौण होकर रह गए हैं. वर्चस्ववादी वैश्वीकरण की एजेन्सियों द्वारा विकास की अवधारणा को एक तरफ अराजनीतिक बनाया जा रहा है तो दूसरी तरफ वैश्विक स्तर पर विकासशील देशों में प्रतिरोधात्मक आंदोलनों को वित्तीय एवं राजनीतिक सहयोजन के माध्यम से उनके जनतांत्रिक रूप से अलग किया जा रहा है. यही कारण है कि ज़मीनी जनांदोलनों द्वारा मानव अधिकार, पर्यावरण और जेंडर के मुद्दों की जो परिभाषाएं दी गयी थीं, उसकी प्रतिरोध के वैश्विक विमर्श द्वारा पुनर्व्याख्या की जा रही है ताकि उनके रानजीतिक अर्थों की हवा निकाल दी जा सके. इन मुद्दों को सहिष्णु मर्यादा का जामा पहनाकर उनसे जुड़े आंदोलनों की संरचनात्मक परिवर्तन लाने की ताकत को क्षीण कर दिया गया है. ऐसे में बहुराष्ट्रीय कम्पनियों के लिए मैदान खुला है. हाशिए के देशों की सरकारें तो पहले ही उनकी  नीतियों की कठपुतलियां बन चुकी थीं, प्रतिरोध के विमर्श में वैश्विक ताकतों के इस दखल ने प्रतिरोध में जनता की आवाज़ को भी मूक बना दिया.

‘अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय’ मानवाधिका समूह तो आजकल वर्चस्ववादी ताकतों की पैरवी करते दबाव समूह प्रतीत होते हैं. इन समूहों के माध्यम से हाशिए के देशों के प्रति बहुराष्ट्रीय कम्पनियों की जवाबदेही पर सवाल उठाते अस्फुट स्वर दबाए जाते हैं. नये वर्चस्ववादी विमर्श में मानव-अधिकारों का गरीबी-निर्मूलन, मूलभूत मानवीय जरूरतों की आपूर्ति और सामाजिक न्याय आदि सरोकारों से सम्बन्ध विच्छेद हो चुका है. मानव अधिकारों का यह वर्चस्ववादी विमर्श विकसित राष्ट्रों की ताकतों को मजबूती प्रदान करता है. उनके हाथों में अधिकारों की विश्व-कानूनी सत्ता की ऐसी ताकत प्रदान करता है जिस दूसरे पर निर्ममता से थोपा जाता है.

यही हाल लोकतन्त्र और स्त्रीवादी विमर्श का है. हालांकि लोकतन्त्र को अभी भी राष्ट्र-राज्यों के सीमित दायरें में देखा जाता है. विश्वव्यापी शासन प्रणाली का कोई प्रारूप उनके लिए तैयार नहीं किया गया है. विश्व व्यापार जैसे संगठन, संयुक्त राष्ट्र संगठन से अपने स्वायत्त अस्तित्व के साथ पारदर्शिता और प्रतिनिधिक जवाबदेही के किसी भी नियम या सिद्धान्त को खूंटे पर रख देते हैं. ऐसे संगठन केवल उनके प्रति अपनी ‘जवाबदेही’ मानते हैं जो उन्हें प्रायोजित करते हैं. – आमतौर पर सैन्य एवं आर्थिक रूप से ताकतवर राष्ट्र-राज्य इस तरह वैश्विक स्तर पर नागरिक समाज द्वारा प्रचारित की जाने वाली वैश्विक नागरिकता जो राजनीतिक समानता को दर्शा सके, केवल गरीब, दुर्बल राष्ट्रों को वर्चस्ववादी देशों द्वारा दबाए रखने का एक हथियार भर रह जाती है. यही हाल स्त्रीवादी विमर्श का है जहां गरीब देशों की महिलाओं के समान अधिकारों के विमर्श की जगह उपभोक्तावादी समाज में महिला अधिकारों के कानूनी और मेट्रोपोलिटन सरोकारों ने ले ली है. ऐसे में सामाजिक, सांस्कृतिक, आर्थिक स्तर पर असमानतावादी संरचना के आमूलचूल परिवर्तन की जटिल प्रक्रिया को विमर्श के स्तर पर ही अर्थहीन साबित किया जा रहा है. दूसरी तरफ कुछ आन्दोलनकारी समूहों को अंतरराष्ट्रीय स्तर पर प्रतिरोध की इस वैश्विक वर्चस्ववादी संस्कृति के वातावरण में विश्व स्तर पर चलने वाले अभियानों के साथ जुड़ने में हिचकिचाहट महसूस होती है. भले ही ये वैश्विक अभियान इन्हीं ज़मीनी आन्दोलनों के सरोकारों को उठा रहे हों परन्तु एक ओर देश की स्वायत्तता हनन का डर है और दूसरी तरफ ऐतिहासिक एवं सांस्कृतिक परिवेश से जुड़े संदर्भ, सरोकार के प्रति वैश्विक स्तर पर असंवेदनशीलता इस अलगाव के प्रमुख कारण हैं. संक्षेप में यह कहा जा सकता है कि वैश्वीकरण की उत्तर शीतयुद्धकालीन वर्चस्ववादी विचारधारा ने भारत के ज़मीनी आन्दोलनों की देश की जनतांत्रिक वातावरण के प्रति चिंताएं बढ़ा दी हैं.

जनांदोलनों की नई राजनीति : जनआंदोलनों ने विकास और लोकतन्त्र के लिए वैश्वीकरण के खतरे को भांपते हुए दो परस्पर जुड़े उद्देश्य रखे हैं: (अ) विकास का पुनर्राजनीतिकरण (ब) सहभागी लोकतन्त्र की पुनर्खोज

विकास का पुनर्राजनीतिकरण :  आज के समय में जनांदोलनों का प्रयास न केवल विकास सम्बन्धी बहस को जिंदा रखना है बल्कि उसे इस कदर पुनर्भाषित करना है कि वैश्विक एवं राष्ट्रीय शक्ति संरचनाओं का सुचारु ढंग से प्रतिरोध किया जा सके. पददलितों को राज्य व्यवस्था में बतौर नागरिक और अर्थव्यवस्था में उत्पादक की हैसियत से उनके जायज़ अधिकार मिलने जैसे विकास से जुड़े पुराने उद्देश्यों को नयी राजनीति का चेहरा दिया गया है. जनांदोलनों का मानना है कि विकास की दिशा उर्ध्वगामी हो जिसमें विकास की नीतियां बनाने, क्रियान्वित करने से लेकर उन्हें कारगर बनाने के हर कदम पर लोगों की सहभागिता हो, उन लोगों के संघर्ष, प्रयास और वैविध्यपूर्ण होगा. इस प्रक्रिया में कुछ नए तत्व जो प्राथमिक रूप से राजनीतिक हैं, जनांदोलनों की विकास सम्बन्धी विचार तथा कृति का अभिन्न हिस्सा बन गए हैं.

प्रथमत: ये आंदोलन पूर्वाधुनिक अतीत-मोह को जगाने वाले विकास की पुरानी उत्तर औपनिवेशिक आलोचना से उन्मुक्त हुए हैं. हालांकि अभी भी कई हलकों में इनकी अस्फुट आवाजें सुनाई देती हैं परन्तु भारत के गरीबों की बदली हुई आकांक्षाओं के लिए वे अर्थहीन हो चुकी हैं. आंदोलन विकास को सामाजिक पिछड़ों के राजनीतिक अधिकार से जोड़कर देखते हैं. 1980 के दशक में गैर-सरकारी संगठन को छोड़ आंदोलनकारी समूह के साथ जुड़ने वाली अरुणा राय के शब्दों में इसे सटीक रूप से समझा जा सकता है- ‘विकास एक राजनीति है और राजनीतिक इच्छा के बिना विकास संभव नहीं है… देखा जाए तो सामाजिक और आर्थिक जीवन के सारे ही क्रियाकलाप राजनीति के प्रकृतिधर्म से संचालित होते हैं.’

दूसरा बदलाव परिप्रेक्ष्य के संदर्भ मे है जो दरअसल उत्तर शीतयुद्धकालीन विकास की वैश्विक राजनीति में आए परिवर्तनों की प्रतिक्रिया में हैं. वैश्विक स्तर पर विकास की संस्थाओं ने जब सभी के लिए सार्वभौमिक विकास के औपचारिक वायदे से भी मुंह मोड़ लिया तो भारत के आंदोलनों के लिए विश्व स्तर पर शीतयुद्धकालीन सहायता निधि और मदद निधि सम्बन्धी बदली हुई वर्चस्ववादी क्रूर नीतियां कोई अचम्भा नहीं रही हैं. वे स्पष्ट रूप से देख सकते है कि वर्चस्ववादी ताकतें अपनी नीतियों के बेरोकटोक क्रियान्वयन के लिए राज्य-शासन व्यवस्था के विघटन को अनिवार्य मानती हैं. दूसरी तरफ नयी वैश्विक राजनीति के तहत केन्द्रीकृत सत्ता (आर्थिक, राजनीतिक और सैन्य) दुनिया के पहले से अमीर और ताकतवर देशों के हाथों में सिमटी हुई है और वे देशों की आंतरिक और अन्तरराष्ट्रीय स्तर पर असमानता को कायम और मजबूत करने वाली व्यवस्था को आर्थिक और राजनीतिक स्थिरता प्रदान कर रहे हैं. इस चेतना ने अनेक आंदोलनकारी समूहों को वैश्विक शक्ति संरचना को जनतांत्रिक बनाने के उद्देश्य से परराष्ट्रीय गठबंधन बनाने के लिये प्रेरित किया है. जैविक विविधता सम्मेलन, एजेंडा 21, वर्ल्ड कमीशन ऑन डैम्स, और अलायन्स फॉर कम्प्रिहेन्सिव डेमोक्रेसी जैसे ये गठबंधन केवल अनुभवातीत वैश्विक पटल पर विद्मान नहीं है बल्कि उनकी जड़े समाजों के सांस्कृतिक ऐतिहासिक स्थानीय एवं राष्ट्रीय परिवेशों में गहराई हुई हैं. यही कारण है कि वर्चस्ववादी शक्तियां जिन नीति-कार्यक्रमों तथा कानूनों के अंतर्गत विस्तार पा सकती हैं उनकी शिनाख्त कर ये गठबंधन ज़मीनी स्तर पर कार्यरत आंदोलनों के माध्यम से प्रतिरोध की ताकत जुटाते हैं.

तृतीय ज़मीनी कार्यकर्ताओं के सभी तरह के समूह अब विकास के मूलभूत मुद्दों और चिंताओं को अधिकार विमर्श की चौखट में देखते हैं. उदाहरण के लिए गरीबी की चौखट में देखते हैं. उदाहरण के लिए गरीबी अब उनके लिए केवल आर्थिक समस्या नहीं है. वे गरीबी और गरीबों को विशिष्ट सामाजिक, सांस्कृतिक स्थान से जोड़ते हैं जिन्हें विकास से एक रणनीति के तहत वंचित रखा गया है और आर्थिक सामाजिक एवं राजनीतिक तौर पर पंगु बना दिया गया है. गरीबी के इस शोषण एवं दमनकारी जंजाल में राजनीतिक रूप से असंगठित और आर्थिक रूप से हाशिए पर खड़े लोग कैद हो जाते हैं. परन्तु अब ये आन्दोलन समूह इसे केवल दो आर्थिक वर्गों के बीच ध्रुवीकरण दुनिया के विभाजन के रूप में नहीं देखते. इसी वजह से उनकी रणनीतियों में वर्ग, जाति, प्रजाति और जेंडर आदि श्रेणियों के मद्देनज़र नये सामाजिक राजनीतिक विन्यास उभर रहे हैं.

सामाजिक आंदोलनों की इस नयी पौध ने सरोकारों के पृथक्करण और परस्पर अलगाव के दौर को पीछे छोड़ दिया है. मानव अधिकारों के आंदोलन ने नागरिक समाजों के हाशिए पर खड़े गरीब, सामाजिक पिछड़े वर्गों के संघर्षों को अधिकार की नयी सोच दी है. दूसरी तरफ ‘सबकी जरूरतों को पूरा किया जा सकता है परन्तु लालच को नहीं’ गांधीजी की इस उक्ति को पर्यावरणवादी आन्दोलनों ने अपना निदेशक तत्व बना लिया है. स्त्री आंदोलनकारी समूहों ने मानवधिकार, पर्यावरण आंदोलनकारी समूहों ने मानवाधिकार, पर्यावरणवादी आंदोलनों के साथ मिलकर न्याय और मानवीय समाज एवं अर्थव्यवस्था की मांग को आगे बढ़ाया है ताकि भारतीय स्त्री को इनकी दोहरी पराधनीता से विमुक्त किया जा सके. इन उद्देश्यों के लिए इन सभी समूहों ने अपने संगठनात्मक ढांचे में कई सचेतन परिवर्तन लाए. चिपको आंदोलन, भोपाल गैस पीड़ितों और महाराष्ट्र-मध्य प्रदेश के विस्थापितों के संघर्ष में इस परिवर्तन का प्रतिबिम्ब देखा जा सकता है.

अब ग्रामीणों गरीबी की जड़ों को भारत के नगरीय विकास की असमान रचनाओं में देखा जाता है. इस विचार ने शहरी और ग्रामीण परिवेश में काम करने वाले सामाजिक समूहों में नये गठबंधन की संभावनाएं बनायी हैं. दूसरी ओर ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में कार्यरत समूहों को ‘बाहरी हस्तक्षेप’ से होने वाले विकास की निरर्थकता महसूस हुई है. भले वह ‘हस्तक्षेप’ द्वारा मिलने वाले फायदों से खुद को लाभान्वित करने की क्षमता ग्रामीण समाज की ऊपरी श्रेणी के किसानों के पास होती है और असमानता का चक्र और तेजी से घूमने लगता है. यही कारण है कि अब आंदोलन गरीबों के विकास क्षमतावर्धन को बढ़ावा देते हैं ताकि वे अपने अधिकारों के प्रति सचेत होकर संघर्ष करें और सामूहिक विकास के संसाधन अख्तियार करें.

विकास की पुनर्व्याख्या के सथ 1990 के दशक के मध्य में जनांदोलनों को भी एक नवचेतना मिली और कई गठबंधन राष्ट्रीय पटल पर उभरे. इस पुनर्व्याख्या ने पर्यावरण, जेंडर मानव-अधिकार, परमाणु हथियार बंदी और शांति प्रक्रिया तथा विस्थापन और पुनर्वास जैसे कई मुद्दों को एक नया प्रारूप प्रदान किया. चाहे वह बहुराष्ट्रीय कम्पनियों के प्रोजेक्ट्स में होने वाले विस्थापन को मुद्दा बनाने वाला ‘नेशनल अलायन्स फॉर पीपुल्स मूवमेण्ट्स’ हो या फिर देश के 13 राज्यों में ग्रामीण गरीब जनता को उनके प्राकृतिक संसाधनों पर नियंत्रण मिलने की मांग उठाने वाला ‘केम्पेन फॉर पीपुल्स कन्ट्रोल ओव्हर नेचुरल रिसोर्सेस’, प्रक्रिया को न्यायोचित बनाने का एक ही रास्त है – गरीबों का राजनीतिकरण. वे मानते हैं कि विकास का रास्ता सहभागी जनतांत्रिक राजनीति से ही निकलता है.

सहभागी लोकतन्त्र और राजनीतिक सिद्धान्त : सैद्धान्तिक बहस में सहभागी लोकतन्त्र की प्रतिनिधिक राजनीति के चलन को अर्ध-राजनीति संकल्पना और हाशिए की राजनीतिक गतिविधि समझा जाता है. परन्तु वैश्वीकरण के दौर में प्रतिनिधित्व करने वाली राष्ट्रीय स्तर की संस्थाओं ने वर्चस्ववादी वैश्विक ताकतों के सामने घुटने टेक दिए हैं और राजनीतिक-आर्थिक निर्णय लेने वाले ढांचे लोगों से अधिकाधिक दूर हो रहे हैं, ऐसे समय में सहभागी लोकतन्त्र को बढ़ावा देने वाली राजनीति के चलन की नये सिरे से प्रासंगिकता बनी है.

सामयिक जनतांत्रिक सिद्धान्त में राजनीतिक सहभागिता की संकल्पना को प्रतिनिधिक सरकारों के चुनाव तथा उनके जनतांत्रिक कार्यप्रणाली के सुचारू निर्धारण के साथ जुड़े नागरिकों के राजनीतिक दायित्वों और संवैधानिक कानूनी अधिकारों के संदर्भ में देखा जाता है. ऐसे सिद्धान्तों में नागरिकों की भूमिकाएं और गतिविधियां चुनाव, दलगत राजनीति तथा दबाव समूहों जैसे संस्थागत सीमित दायरे में निष्क्रियता की हद तक सिमटकर रह जाती हैं. प्रतिनिधिक लोकतन्त्र में लोकप्रिय जनांदोलनों में कभी-कभी उभरती प्रत्यक्ष कृति और लामबंदी करने वाली प्रबल राजनीति से ये सिद्धान्त प्रतिनिधिक निर्णय निर्धारण की प्रक्रिया को सुरक्षित रखने का काम करते हैं.

उदारवादी प्रतिनिधिक लोकतन्त्र को इससे ऐसी संस्थागत स्थिरता और राजनीतिक वैधता बड़े पैमाने पर प्राप्त होती है कि मानों लोकतन्त्र का यही एकमात्र स्वाभाविक स्वरूप है जिसके लम्बे अर्से तक टिके रहने के कारण सैद्धान्तिक तौर पर इस मानवीय राजनीतिक विकास का ‘न भूतो न भविष्यत्’ ऐसा चरमबिंदु माना जा रहा है. इस प्रक्रिया में नए और अग्रसर जनतंत्रों की अपने सांस्कृतिक और ऐतिहासिक संदर्भों के मुताबिक लोकतांत्रिक प्रक्रिया को अर्थगर्भित बनाने की पहल और संस्थागत विकल्पों की तलाश और प्रयोगों को बल मिला. उत्तर अमेरिका राजनीतिक विचारक भी उदारवादी लोकतन्त्र के आगमन और सार्वभौमिकीकरण की प्रक्रिया को देखकर इतिहास के अंत की भविष्यवाणी कर बैठे.

शीतयुद्ध के दौरान हुये विमर्श ने ऐसे सिद्धान्तों को जन्म दिया जिससे ‘कमजोर लोकतन्त्र’ की अवधारणा आई. सैद्धान्तिक स्तर पर इसका परिणाम यह रहा कि ‘सहभागी लोकतन्त्र’ की अवधारणा को खारिज न सही परन्तु परिधि पर जरूर ढकेला गया.

राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर कमज़ोर लोकतन्त्रों को कायम करने से राष्ट्रीय सरकारें वैश्विक शक्तियों द्वारा नीतियों का विरोध करने वाले लोकप्रिय जनतांत्रिक आंदोलनों को क्षीण करने में सफल हो जाती हैं. इससे भले ही दुनिया की (पूंजीवादी) अर्थव्यवस्था के एकीकरण को प्रोत्साहन मिलता हो परन्तु वैश्वीकरण के दौर में मजबूत जनतांत्रिक ढांचे बिना राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर लोकतन्त्र का अस्तित्व भी बमुश्किल ही बचाया जा सकता है. ऐसे में गरीब नागरिकों के अस्तित्व पर ही वैश्विकरण की नीतियों की गाज गिरेगी.

इस सैद्धान्तिक बहस में प्रतिनिधिक जनतंत्रवादी विद्वानों ने दो तर्क पेश किये. एक तरफ उन्होंने अपने प्रतिनिधियों के माध्यम से सरकार के चुनाव को सहभागिता की संज्ञा दी और उसकी कार्यप्रणाली को लोकतन्त्र के रास्ते चलने वाले राजनीतिक आचरण का ही एख प्रारूप माना. इसे सहभागिता के सिद्धान्त का संरचनात्मक-प्रकार्यवादी प्रारूप कहा जा सकता है. दूसरी तरफ सहभागी लोकतन्त्र को शासन के जीर्ण-शीर्ण प्रारूप या किसी अव्यवहारिक आदर्श की तरह पेश किया जाता है जिस दरअसल व्यवहार में लाने या उस पर कुछ प्रयोग करने से लोकतन्त्र को ही खुद गंभीर परिणामों का सामना करना पड़ सकता है.

इसलिये लोकतन्त्र के विकास का उदाहरण दिया जाता है. शुरुआती दौर में यूनान में प्रत्यक्ष सहभागी लोकतन्त्र थ जो बाद में प्रतिनिध्यात्मक लोकतंत्र में बदल गया और एक राष्ट्र-राज्य के रूप में कार्य करने लगा. इसी आधार पर माना जाने लगा कि वैश्विक स्तर पर भी इसी प्रकार का वैश्विक उदारवादी व प्रतिनिध्यात्मक लोकतंत्र कार्य कर सकता है. इतने बड़े स्तर पर लोगों को शासन की हर निर्णय निर्धारण प्रक्रिया में प्रत्यक्ष रूप में शामिल करने की कल्पना को ही आज की दुनिया के लिए अराजक करार दिया जा रहा है मानो सभ्यता के विकास को इतिहास में वापस ले जा रेह हों. विश्व-स्तर पर विमर्श का यह पक्ष इस कदर छाया है कि भारत के राजवेत्ताओं को भारत के इतिहास में ग्राम-गणराज्य के रूप में विकसित सहभागी लोकतन्त्र का प्रारूप भी कालशेष धरोहर प्रतीत होता है जिसे किसी भी गंभीर बहस के लिए अयोग्य ठहराया जा रहा है. स्वातंत्र्योत्तर दशक में राजनीतिक पटल पर वर्चस्ववादी अभिजन वर्ग का आधिपत्य शहरी अंग्रेजी शिक्षा प्राप्त सामाजिक-राजनीतिक अल्पसंख्यक वर्ग की रणनीतियों के तहत लोकतन्त्र पर संकरित किया गया. ऐसे में सहभागी लोकतन्त्र को दरकिनार किया जाना स्वाभाविक था. 1970 के दशख में लोकतन्त्र की इस परिभाषा और प्रारूप को जनवादी आंदोलनों ने चुनौती दी.

आंदोलनों की सहभागी लोकतन्त्र की राजनीति

भारत के सामाजिक इतिहास के लिए सहभागी लोकतन्त्र कोई नयी अपरिचित अवधारणा नहीं है. गांधीजी ने तो इसे सैद्धांतिक विमर्श ही नहीं बल्कि राष्ट्रीय स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन में इस संकल्पना को लोगों के आचार-विचार का अविभाज्य अंग बनाया. स्वराज्य (स्वशासन) और स्वदेशी (संसाधनों पर सामुदायिक नियंत्रण) की संकल्पनाओं तथा ग्राम स्वराज्य (ग्राम-गणराज्य) की परिकल्पनाओं को भारतीय लोकतन्त्र की परम्परा का प्रतिनिधिक अंग बनाया. परन्तु स्वातंत्र्योत्तर समय में मुख्य धारा की राजनीति ने गांधीजी के विचारों को अव्यवहारिक कहकर अप्रासंगिक करार दिया था जिसे आज दुबारा पुनर्जीवित करने का प्रयास किया जा रहा है. इस प्रयास पर केवल गांधीजी के ही विचारों की मोहर नहीं है. सहभागी लोकतन्त्र के इस सैद्धांतिक विमर्श को वास्तविक धरातल पर उतारने का प्रयास अनेक विचारवंतों और सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं ने किया और इसे अधिक अर्थबहुल तथा बहुआयामी बनाया. मानवेन्द्र राय ने प्रतिनिधिक लोकतन्त्र की आलोचना कर सहभागी लोकतन्त्र का पक्षधर संविधान स्वतंत्र भारत के लिए तैयार किया था जिसकी मुख्यधारा की राजनीति ने उस समय अवहेलना की परन्तु आज वैश्वीकरण के खिलाफ संघर्ष में जनांदोलनों ने इसे फिर से प्रासंगिक बनाया है.

इस कड़ी में सहभागी राजनीति के व्यवहारिक प्रयोग कर सामाजिक परिवर्तन की चेतना को युवकों में लाने में जयप्रकाश नारायण( यानी जेपी) अग्रसर रहे. स्वतंत्रता के पांच साल बाद वे गांधीवादी आंदोलन का हिस्सा बने. उन्होंने अभिजन वर्ग के लोकतांत्रिक प्रणाली के वर्चस्व पर सवाल खड़े किए और जनांदोलनों की निर्दलीय राजनीति की नींव रखी. उनकी परिकल्पना थी कि पारदर्शिता और जवाबदेहीको आधारभूत तत्व मानकर शक्ति संचार ऊर्ध्वगामी दिशा मे होगा और हर इकाई शक्ति के इस्तेमाल का मौका उनसे निचली श्रेणी की इकाइयों को उपलब्ध होगा. परन्तु यह संकल्पना गांधीवादियों के दायरे से बाहर प्रभाव नहीं डाल सकी. उदार लोकतंत्रवादी दलों ने इस प्रयास को निरीह आदर्शवादी कहकर खारिज किया. जेपी ने सर्वव्यापक लोकतन्त्र को सैद्धांतिक और ऐतिहासिक जरूरत के रूप में पेश किया. इस प्रारूप में आर्थिक और राजनीतिक शक्ति राज्य व्यवस्था के पायदान पर खड़े जनसमूहों के पास होगी और लोकतन्त्र के विकास के लिए उसका इस्तेमाल करेंगे. उनकी यह ‘लोकशक्ति’ की अवधारणा नवचेतना की तरह युवकों में फैल गई. 1970 के दशक में उभरी इस चेतना ने कई छोटे आंदोलनों को उभारा. राजनीतिविदों ने इस प्रक्रिया को ‘निर्दलीय राजनीतिक प्रक्रिया’ का जुमला दिया. जल्दी ही इस चेतना ने आंदोलन का रूप लिया – जे.पी. आंदोलन जिसने लोगों के स्थानीय संसाधनों को सामुदायिक विकास और कल्याण के लिए इस्तेमाल करने के अधिकारों से जुड़े दैनन्दिन संघर्षों को जन-सशक्तिकरण का माध्यम बनाया. ऐसे जनांदोलनों की एक श्रृंखला भारत के सामाजिक इतिहास का अंग बन चुकी है.

1978 में बिहार के भूमिहीनों को ज़मीन पर उनका हक दिलाने के लिए छात्र युवा संघर्षवाहिनी द्वारा चलाया गया ‘बोधगया आंदोलन’ केवल जमीन का पुनर्वितरण भर नहीं था बल्कि दलितों और महिलाओं को भूमिधारक का हक देकर इस आंदोलन ने कई स्तर पर सामाजिक-आर्थिक एवं राजनीतिक ढांचे में स्तरीकरण के समीकरण बदल दिए. सामाजिक भेदभावों को संरचनात्मक रूप से हटाना और वह भी अहिंसात्मक तरीकों से, यह इन आंदोलनों की खासियत और ताकत थी.

दूसरा उदाहरण राजस्थान के 700 गांवों में जलसंवर्धन से विकास की धारा पहुंचाने वाले ‘तरुण भारत संघ’ का है. इस आंदोलन के प्रणेता राजेन्द्र सिंह कहते हैं कि ‘हमारा संघर्ष विकास की प्रक्रिया मे समुदायों को अपना मत रखने का अधिकार ठुकराने वाले शासन के खिलाफ है. लोगों की जरूरतों को समझे बिना प्रशासन व्यवस्था विकास की अपनी दृष्टि समुदायों पर थोपती है. यह भ्रांति है कि विकास लोगों के लिए होता है…. दरअसल यह जनविरोधी होता है.’ इसीलिए गरीब सूखे प्रदेश में जनसशक्तिकरण से इस आंदोलन ने विकास को जनहितों का पक्षधर बनने के लिए मजबूर किया. उस जनसहभागिता को तोड़ने का प्रशासन का दमनकारी प्रयास भी सामूहिक विकास की सामुदायिक चेतना के आगे विफल रहा.

1980 से जयप्रकाश नारायण और विनोबा भावे की वैचारिक पाठशाला से निकले सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं ने लोगों की विलुप्त होती क्षमताओं और ज्ञान को पुनर्जीवित किया. जलसंवर्धन के लिए ढांचे तैयार किए जिन्हें स्थानीय भाषा में जोहड़ कहा जाता है. गांव केवल स्वशासित विकास की इस प्रक्रिया में सरकारी मदद के बगैर छोटे बांध और तालाबों के निर्माण तक ही नहीं रुके. गांवों की साझा ज़मीनों पर जंगल उगाए और बंजर जमीन को हरा-भरा कर दिया. औपनिवेशिक संस्कृति नौकरशाही ज़मीनी लोकतन्त्र का अर्थ नहीं समझती. अत: विकास राज्य व जनता का साझा प्रयास होने के बजाय राज्य बनाम् जनता होकर रह जाता है. अत: सरकार ने लोगों के स्वशासन के प्रयासों को कठोरता से लेते हुये उन्हें कानून के शिकंजें में लेने की कोशिश की.

वर्चस्ववादी वैश्वीकरण के प्रतिरोध की प्रक्रिया में आंदोलनों ने अपनी राजनीति में एक नया आयाम जोड़ लिया. सामाजिक तथा राजनीतिक संघर्षों के लिए कानून एक महत्वपूर्ण युद्ध स्थली बनता जा रहा था. सरकारें, स्ट्रक्चरल एडजस्टमेन्ट और वैश्वीकरण से जुड़ी अन्य नीतियों को क्रियान्वित कर भारतीय और बहुराष्ट्रीय कम्पनियों को गांवों की ज़मीन और अन्य संसाधन कौड़ी के भावों पर उपलब्ध करवा रही हैं. एक तरफ तो आदिवासियों को अपनी ही जमीन से बेदखल कर उनके संवैधानिक अधिकारों की धज्जियां उड़ायी जा रही हैं वहीं दूसरी तरफ लोगों की आजीविका और इलाके के पर्यावरण की कीमत पर ज़मीन, पानी और जंगल जैसे मूलभूत संसाधन उपलब्ध करके उन पर बहुराष्ट्रीय कम्पनियों का संवैधानिक अधिकार स्थापित किया जा रहा है. परन्तु अब आंदोलनकारी समूह ऐसे कानूनों और सरकारी फरमानों के क्रियान्वयन को केवल न्यायालयों में ही नहीं बल्कि नागरिक समाज के वृहद मंच पर खुली चुनौती दे रहे हैं. जनहित याचिकाएं आम जनों के हितों की पक्षधरता का रूप बनकर सामाजिक आंदोलनों की राजनीति में उभरी हैं.

(पुनर्लेखन : प्रज्ञा जोशी, समाजशास्त्र, मोहन लाल सुखाड़िया विश्वविद्यालय, उदयपुर, राजस्थान, एवं शोधार्थी शोध-मण्डल

प्रस्तुल लेख ‘इकोनामिक एण्ड पोलिटिकल वीकली’ 3 जनवरी, 2004 से साभार उद्धृत. मूल लेख ‘ग्लोबलाइजेशन एण्ड न्यू पॉलिटिक्स ऑफ माइक्रो-मूवमेन्ट्स’ शीर्षक से प्रकाशित)

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